Social Psychologist Ulrich Wagner on How Fear and Prejudice Fuel the Far Right

Borbála Hanna Dévai,

© Markus Spiske | Unsplash
Why do we so easily divide people into “us” and “them” – and when does this natural tendency turn into prejudice, discrimination and hostility? In an interview with WahlheYmatPost, social psychologist Prof. Dr. Ulrich Wagner explains how feelings of threat can be politically exploited, why simple solutions are so appealing in uncertain times, and how contact between different groups can help counter polarization.

The rise of the far right has become impossible to ignore in Germany. In the 2026 state elections in Saxony-Anhalt, the AfD mobilized voters on a remarkable scale, with migration and “remigration” playing a prominent role in its political messaging. 

But why are narratives that portray immigrants and other social groups as a threat so effective? What makes people divide the world into “us” and “them”? Why do some social groups become targets of prejudice and hostility, particularly in times of uncertainty? And what can help reduce polarization? 

Social psychologist Prof. Dr. Ulrich Wagner has spent decades researching intergroup relations, prejudice and discrimination. Drawing on his research, he explains the psychological mechanisms behind current political developments – and why direct contact between people from different groups can be part of the solution.

What is your field of research, and how is it relevant to current political and societal developments in Germany?

My research focuses on violence and, in particular, on intergroup relations – that is, on describing and identifying the reasons why people develop prejudices, discriminate against members of other groups, or even behave violently toward those they perceive as outsiders.

Why are people prone to thinking in categories?

An important psychological factor underlying the emergence of prejudice, discrimination, and intergroup violence is that we perceive those whom we treat in these ways as members of an outgroup. 

Our psychological system is well equipped to classify both ourselves and others into categories. When we talk to another person, for example, we may become aware that the person we are speaking to is of a different gender, has a different skin color, belongs to a different political party, or supports a different football club. Once this occurs, there is a considerable risk that the subsequent course of the conversation and our interaction with the other person will be dominated by this attributed group membership. 

Prof. Dr. Ulrich Wagner is a German social psychologist and professor emeritus who taught at the Philipps-Universität Marburg from 1992 to 2017. His research focuses on intergroup conflicts, prejudice, and integration, with particular emphasis on developing and evaluating practical violence prevention programs. For his outstanding achievements in migration and integration research, alongside his successful transfer of science into public practice, he was awarded the German Psychology Prize in 2023. Today, he continues to work as a scientific consultant, political advisor, and media commentator.

The person’s assigned group membership is then factored into our interpretation of everything he or she says or does. We interpret the person’s behavior along the following lines: he or she speaks and acts this way because of their gender, skin color, and so forth. 

In making such attributions, we often draw on stereotypes about the assigned outgroup that are prevalent in our society: the other person behaves this way because they are a woman or a man – and, as is supposedly well known, women or men typically tend to behave in certain ways.

According to Eleanor Rosch’s foundational theory of cognitive economy, categorizing people and things into broader groups is necessary for navigating a world that would otherwise overwhelm the brain with stimuli. When does this ‘power-saving mechanism’ – now our default mode of thinking – turn into prejudice and discrimination?

Categorization mechanisms help us navigate a complex world, especially when we need answers quickly. For example, when we arrive at the emergency room with an injury, it’s extremely helpful to quickly categorize those wearing white coats as medical staff – and not the person in the gray jumpsuit, who is presumably the facility manager. However, this ability is also dangerous because we’re very quick to view everyone we assign to a category as the same. This can very quickly lead to prejudice and discrimination. We need to be aware of this. Categorization helps – we can’t do without it – but it’s also dangerous.

What is group-focused enmity, and which psychological mechanisms underlie this phenomenon?

The term group-focused enmity was coined by Wilhelm Heitmeyer, a sociologist at Bielefeld University. The concept is intended to highlight that we do not merely place other people into categories or groups and subsequently judge them according to the stereotypes we associate with those groups, but that we also tend to devalue the groups to which we assign them.

One reason for this is that devaluing an outgroup often serves to enhance our own group and, in turn, our self-image. When nationalists, for example, speak of the inferiority of people who do not belong to their own nation or ethnic group, this serves to elevate the status of their own nationality or ethnic group and, by extension, their individual self-worth.

The concept of group-focused enmity also points to a second phenomenon: people who are particularly inclined to devalue one outgroup often tend to devalue other outgroups as well. In other words, people who hold antisemitic attitudes frequently also harbor anti-Muslim prejudices and display hostility toward queer people.

Why are hostile images of immigrants so frequently promoted?

Immigrants are perceived as a threat – both to one’s own culture and identity and as a physical threat. This is partly related to incidents of violence and other offenses committed by refugees, but also to the fact that such threats are repeatedly amplified in political and media discourse.

The AfD does this particularly intensively. In its election manifestos, refugees are held responsible for a wide range of social problems. Such narratives have the advantage of apparently providing solutions: according to this logic, all that is required is to stop immigration and expel all recent arrivals from the country, and the other problems facing Germany and Europe will supposedly be resolved as well.

Promises of quick fixes will likely always attract many voters, especially in times of societal tension or financial uncertainty. Is it possible for political leaders to win voters’ trust without resorting to oversimplified solutions or naming a scapegoat for everything that is wrong in society?

Politics must be communicated in a way that voters can understand, and we must hope that voters are willing to listen. This is indeed an enormous task. Political communication must be simple and build on what voters know and what interests them. And it must use the media platforms that potential AfD voters use. More complex statements are always at a disadvantage here. But there’s no getting around it: serious democratic politicians must take on this task, and academia could help them figure out how to do it effectively.

What are possible reasons for the current shift to the political right in various Western countries?

From an objective perspective, Germany, Europe, and North America are clearly facing substantial problems. The gap in income and wealth between rich and poor continues to widen, while people on low incomes are experiencing increasing difficulties in securing adequate housing and gaining a foothold in the labor market.

This generates anxieties that far-right parties capitalize on and intensify, with substantial support from the dynamics of the internet. The shift to the political right is also related to the fact that established political parties have failed to offer an adequate alternative – a credible vision for the future that conveys the prospect that conditions will improve and that everyone will have a fair opportunity to participate.

How can hostile attitudes toward social groups be reduced?

Political actors need to develop and implement credible visions for the future that can help reduce people’s feelings of threat. They also need to invite everyone who is part of society to participate in shaping that future. German and European societies must also engage in a discussion about how they intend to address the expected increase in migration to the Global North.

Economic considerations should not be the sole guiding principle in this process. Article 1 of the German Basic Law must also serve as a fundamental point of reference: “Human dignity shall be inviolable.” The burden of prejudice and racism that has accumulated in our societies must be addressed through education and public awareness, but above all through direct encounters between people.

What does contact theory propose?

Contact between people from different groups can effectively contribute to reducing prejudice. Such contact is particularly effective when the individuals involved interact as equals, pursue common goals, and receive support from society and political institutions. Talking to one another, participating in sports together, jointly shaping the communities in which we live, and collectively developing policies grounded in respect for human dignity can help reduce mutual rejection. However, this requires spaces in which encounters and shared activities can take place.

The settlement patterns of immigrants in recent years have contributed to segregated residential and educational environments – that is, neighborhoods and regions in which large numbers of immigrants live and others in which very few do. Such segregation makes it more difficult to establish intergroup contact and facilitates the development of mutual prejudice. Policymakers and spatial planners need to counteract these processes.

How does your work bridge the gap between scientific research and political and societal developments?

When I make recommendations in my capacity as a scientist, I base them on findings supported by scientific evidence. Consequently, what I can state or recommend has a stronger empirical basis than claims made without such a scientific foundation. If our common goal as a society is to reduce prejudice, discrimination, and far-right orientations, I can recommend, on the basis of scientific evidence, promoting contact between people from different groups. I seek to contribute to public debate, to inform my fellow citizens, and also to exert pressure on political and societal decision-makers to pursue effective policies that bring people in Germany and Europe closer together.

(Header image: © Markus Spiske | Unsplash)

Author:

More From WahlheYmatPost

  • Social Psychologist Ulrich Wagner on How Fear and Prejudice Fuel the Far Right

    Social Psychologist Ulrich Wagner on How Fear and Prejudice Fuel the Far Right

    The rise of the far right has become impossible to ignore in Germany. In the 2026 state elections in Saxony-Anhalt, the AfD mobilized voters on a remarkable scale, with migration and “remigration” playing a prominent role in its political messaging.  But why are narratives that portray immigrants and other social groups as a threat so…

  • From Distrust to Dialogue: Why We Need to Meet

    From Distrust to Dialogue: Why We Need to Meet

    “Immigrants’ political trust starts high – and declines over time,” says the We-ID project, which we have covered in detail. Living in a better society, having a voice and being part of a democracy are among the most important factors people consider when choosing a new place to live. Before the rise of the AfD,…

  • The Participation Paradox: Why Political Trust Doesn’t Always Translate Into Votes

    The Participation Paradox: Why Political Trust Doesn’t Always Translate Into Votes

    Research published earlier this year by researchers at the University of St Andrews as part of the European We-ID project found a striking pattern: across Europe, immigrants tend to have greater trust in political institutions and higher levels of satisfaction with democracy than native-born populations. But the longer they and their families live in their…

  • We talk a lot. But what do we actually do?

    We talk a lot. But what do we actually do?

    “When people co-create, we outperform any master plan.”Audrey Tang, Taiwan’s first Digital Minister described this as one of the lessons of Berlin in 1989. How are we performing today? What is the master plan? And what about co-creation? To answer this, let me start with my three lessons from Taiwan’s democratic process. It took decades…

  • Democracy at the Späti: What Berlin’s Symbolic Election Revealed

    Democracy at the Späti: What Berlin’s Symbolic Election Revealed

    Ahead of Berlin’s September elections, Migrationsrat Berlin e.V. brought the ballot box to an unusual setting: the city’s Spätis. At 11 locations across Berlin, people were invited to take part in a symbolic election and discuss a question that affects a significant part of the city’s population: who gets to have a say in the…

  • From Kyiv to Berlin: War Changed His Path, but Not His Dream

    From Kyiv to Berlin: War Changed His Path, but Not His Dream

    “The war is here – those were the words my mom woke me up with that morning,” Oleks recalls. On February 24th, 2022, the life of 15-year-old Oleksandr (Oleks) Drevytskyi was changed forever. Leading up to the devastating Russian attack, expectations about the future of the ongoing conflict varied across Ukraine. While many had established…

  • Strangers by the Spree: Inside Berlin’s Outdoor Latin Dance Community

    Strangers by the Spree: Inside Berlin’s Outdoor Latin Dance Community

    Feierabend! A busy weekday is coming to an end, and Hauptbahnhof is becoming crowded with tired Berliners: businessmen with briefcases heading home after a long day at work, groups of schoolgirls huddled up on benches apathetically scrolling on TikTok, and exhausted travelers searching for the S-Bahn that will finally take them to their accommodation.  The…

  • StimmlosTrend 2026: 96 Percent Would Vote If They Could

    StimmlosTrend 2026: 96 Percent Would Vote If They Could

    Around one million people living in Berlin do not hold a German passport, 851,000 of whom are adults. They cannot vote in elections to the Berlin House of Representatives – and their political views are therefore largely absent from traditional election polling. WahlheYmat created StimmlosTrend 2026 to make these perspectives visible. Inspired by the BerlinTrend…

  • A Mayor Tandem for Berlin

    A Mayor Tandem for Berlin

    What if Berlin had two Regierende Bürgermeister:innen? One representing the city’s elected voice — and another representing the voice of Berlin’s international residents who live, work and contribute here but do not have German citizenship and therefore cannot vote in Berlin elections. Because in a democratic society, it can’t be right that 25% of the…

  • No German Passport? You May Still Have a Vote in Berlin 

    No German Passport? You May Still Have a Vote in Berlin 

    If you are an EU citizen living in Berlin but do not have German citizenship, you cannot vote in the election for Berlin’s House of Representatives (Abgeordnetenhaus). But you can vote for your local District Assembly (Bezirksverordnetenversammlung, or BVV) if you meet the eligibility requirements. Around 240,000 non-German EU citizens are eligible to take part…

  • “Berlin taught me to dislike the word integration” 

    “Berlin taught me to dislike the word integration” 

    WHP: You worked in humanitarian aid around the world for many years. What ultimately motivated you to found Just-Go-For-It? Marilena Chatziantoniou: I started working in the field of humanitarian aid in 1998. My first assignment was in Albania, where I worked for a small German NGO, just months before the Kosovo crisis. I remember falling…

  • What is Germany’s greatest asset?

    What is Germany’s greatest asset?

    “Football is a simple game. Twenty-two men chase a ball for 90 minutes and, in the end, the Germans always win,” said Gary Lineker after England lost the 1990 World Cup semi-final on penalties against Germany. Times are changing. Germany no longer always wins at major football tournaments. And England now has a German coach.…

  • Migrants With Degrees Are Not What Germany Is Looking For

    Migrants With Degrees Are Not What Germany Is Looking For

    Education is a right, not a privilege. This idea has been a founding principle of modern democracies. In practice, however, access to education is far from guaranteed for everyone. As of this year, Germany has significantly restricted access to state-funded intermediate and advanced German courses for migrants participating voluntarily. Many rejected asylum seekers, people with…

  • The Berlin Election Is Over – The Work Begins

    The Berlin Election Is Over – The Work Begins

    What do the Berlin election results tell us? Our TOP 3 takeaways 1. Housing won Housing is clearly the central issue in Berlin, as StimmlosTrend also showed. Die Linke won by putting housing at the top of its agenda. Many citizens now hope they can deliver. 2. Voting with gloves Many people vote against a…

  • Two birthdays, one dream for Berlin

    Two birthdays, one dream for Berlin

    WahlheYmat was launched as an initiative on 15 September 2023, with Democracy Day providing the occasion. So this week, we turn three years old. Some international Berliners, including our co-founders, asked the question: If Berlin has become diverse and international, wouldn’t it be better to govern the city together? We had almost a hundred conversations…

  • Berlin Wiki: Election Day – From Casting Your Vote to the Results 

    Berlin Wiki: Election Day – From Casting Your Vote to the Results 

    What Happens on Election Day? Election day is when eligible voters in a democracy are called on to cast their ballots. Voting and Counting the Votes In Germany, elections must be held on a Sunday or a public holiday. Polling stations are generally open from 8 a.m. to 6 p.m. They are often located in…

  • Berlin Wiki: How Do You Decide Who to Vote For? 

    Berlin Wiki: How Do You Decide Who to Vote For? 

    How Do You Decide Which Party to Vote For? Many people find it difficult to decide which party to vote for. But instead of not voting at all, it is important to inform yourself thoroughly. Democracy is based on people making decisions together based on their own convictions. To do so, voters need to be…

  • Who Will Lead Germany Into Its International Future?

    Who Will Lead Germany Into Its International Future?

    What does the story of Charles De Gaulle teach us? Antonin Baudry’s La Bataille de Gaulle tells, in five hours, the story of the General during the Second World War. A great movie. I learned a lot. Tenacity. De Gaulle arrives alone in London. On 18 June 1940, he makes his first BBC speech, speaking…

  • Berlin Wiki: What Are the Key Issues in Berlin’s Election?

    Berlin Wiki: What Are the Key Issues in Berlin’s Election?

    Why Is Rent Policy a Central Issue in Berlin’s Election Campaign? Around 85 percent of Berliners live in rented accommodation. At the same time, the housing market in the capital is tight: rents are rising, new housing construction remains sluggish, and legal loopholes frequently allow furnished apartments to be offered at inflated prices. This is…

Address

Am Hamburger Bahnhof 3
10557 Berlin
Germany

hey@wahlheymat.de

Social Networks